What so many people have forgotten is that democratic government works slowly by design, going all the way back to the Founding Fathers in this country. Democratic government is by definition an exercise in taking input from across a wide array of interests and views and then forging compromises that, while not always enthusiastically embraced by all parties, at least moves the ball forward on an issue. It's one of the main reasons the U.S. Senate, in particular, evolved a set of procedural rules early on that were meant to slow down action and make it the most deliberative body in our structure.
Starting with the Reagan administration, a new line of thought emerged with the "unitary executive" theory, arguing that the pace of events in modern times is not amenable to the timelines of more deliberative and collaborative action and dictates that the President be vested with power to act unilaterally over a much wider range than envisaged by the Founders. This theory has been embraced more by conservative Justices, despite their claims to be "originalists" in interpreting the Constitution. It's probably the main reason SCOTUS has thrown out the historical concept that no government officer is above the law to embrace the notion that the President has immunity from criminal prosecution for any official acts that might have violated the law.
Bill Barr was among the notable proponents of this theory in Trump's first administration. But many of the people more behind the scenes, especially in the Federalist Society and the Heritage Foundation, are of the unitary executive bent, and the Project 2025 work is imbued with it.
What we are seeing right now is a President who won less that 50% of the popular vote seize the moment to move our form of government quickly and decisively from its philosophical moorings and convert it into one of a unitary executive. However, where the original thinking of the unitary executive theory was grounded in the perceived need to act more quickly given the pace of the modern world, it has been distorted into a theory that gives the presidency the power to operate without consensus in any realm, including the ideological, and in contravention of legislative mandates.
One of the ironies is that Republicans in Congress, who once guarded their powers and prerogative jealously in response to long stints of Democratic presidencies, have now acquiesced in turning the polity-making powers that the Founders invested in the legislative branch over to the executive branch with nary a whimper. They seem to be assuming that no one but a Republican will ever sit in the White House again.
And this, folks, is why it took some time to fashion the NEVI legislation and implement it but only minutes to destroy it.